Every attempt to organize an alternative political party outside the Democratic and Republican Parties has faced the same question: how should they relate to the two dominant parties? Marxist parties in the 1980s were no exception. Though leftists were divided in this period over a variety of issues, one of the most significant splits emerged over how they should relate to the Democratic Party. Should they collaborate with liberal Democrats to seek policy victories that could help their shared constituencies? Publicly denounce the party in hopes of winning over disenchanted Democrats? Or try to do both simultaneously? These strategic differences were publicly aired in communist newspapers, which diverged widely in their coverage of Democrats. Preserved in the Alternative Press Center Collection at UMBC’s Special Collections, newspapers like People’s World, Workers Vanguard, and Workers World represented distinct tendencies within Marxism and belonged to different political parties. This collection serves as an invaluable resource for researchers seeking to understand how radical forces sought to transform the country from a position of weakness.

People’s World is the newspaper of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA). The Party and the paper were known for their support of organized labor, civil rights, and the Soviet Union. Although the number of Communists was small, they exerted influence through partnerships with liberal Democrats and non-Communist activist groups on a local level.¹ This strategy of cooperation meant that the People’s World took stances to the right of the broader progressive movement. After Democratic nominee Tom Bradley narrowly lost the 1982 California gubernatorial election, People’s World editor Carl Bloice accused the left-wing Peace and Freedom Party of splitting the progressive vote by running its own gubernatorial candidate. In doing so, left-wing opponents of Bradley cost California its first Black governor. Implicit in the Party’s defense of Bradley was a broader defense of liberalism. Bloice made it clear that the paper supported Bradley not just because of his race, although that factor was emphasized, but because he was the best candidate. He thus communicated the CPUSA’s stance to its membership and supporters that the best way to get anything close to socialism is to elect liberal Democrats.²

Workers Vanguard took a more radical line, harshly criticizing liberal Democrats and seeking to establish a separate political pole. This was not surprising given the publisher. The Spartacist League sought to radicalize the civil rights, labor, feminist, and student movements in a revolutionary direction. Tactically, this meant taking the most left-wing stance on every issue. By doing so, the League sought to discredit the Democratic Party by pointing to the contradictions between its actions in government and its claims to represent the most vulnerable.³

Their article “Genocide U.S.A.” is an illustrative example of this. It accuses the Reagan administration and the Democratic-controlled Congress of seeking to commit genocide against Black Americans by cutting welfare. The language was deliberately inflammatory, comparing the name of the bill (the Family Security Act) to the “Work Makes you Free” sign in Auschwitz. Though much of the article was targeted at conservative Democrats in Congress, liberal Democrats were not treated any better. By rallying behind the Democratic Party, liberals were manipulating Black workers to vote for candidates who supported slashing social spending. The obvious solution was to support the real party for the working class: the Spartacist League. Thus, their primary tactics were apparent: using disenchantment with the Democrats as an agitational tool to recruit potential supporters.⁴

Workers World, published by the Party of the same name, took a middle ground on the issue of how to relate to the Democratic Party. Like the CPUSA and the Spartacist League, the Workers World Party (WWP) embedded itself in multiple social movements. Beginning with its role in organizing against the Vietnam War during the 1960s, the Party branched out into civil rights, organized labor, and gay liberation by the 1970s. Despite this coalition-building, the Party sought to retain strategic independence in whatever field it went.⁵ The Party’s desire for strategic autonomy as part of a broader progressive movement is reflected in its relationship with the Democratic Party. Though it harshly criticized the Congressional Democratic Party’s support for austerity, its coverage of Jesse Jackson’s 1988 presidential campaign was laudatory. The paper praised Jackson as someone who could unite working-class Americans across racial lines. Notably, this coverage coincided with the Workers WorldParty running its candidates for president and vice-president. The likely reason for this discrepancy was tactical. By supporting the Jackson campaign, the paper sought to forge links between the Party and Jackson’s base, while also setting the stage to gain support from dissatisfied Democrats if Jackson failed to win the nomination.⁶

Of course, all these tactical decisions emerged from a position of weakness. A bipartisan coalition devoted to cutting taxes and slashing welfare firmly held power in American society during this period.⁷ This mostly unified power bloc contrasted with the fragmented and isolated left. However, Marxist newspapers provide a revealing lens into how people outside the halls of power sought to influence politics. Whether by defending liberal politicians, denouncing Democratic hypocrisies, or forging links with rank-and-file Democrats, the newspapers reflect the complexities of trying to build coalitions that could implement socialist policies in a deeply hostile political environment.

This post was written by Yoni Isaacs, ’22, history, M.A. ’26, history, a graduate assistant in Special Collections. Thank you, Yoni!

Bibliography

Newspapers

Bloice, Carl. “P&F takes issue; Jews and the Freeze.” People’s World, Jan. 15, 1983.

Chediac, Joyce. “Workfare: an Idea the Rich Always Loved.” Workers World, June 30, 1988. 

“Genocide U.S.A”. Workers’ Vanguard, Oct. 21, 1988.

Moorehead, Monica. “Jackson Victory Jolts Racist Political Machine: Solid Black Support,

Gains Among White Workers, Poor.” Workers World, March 17, 1988. 

Additional Sources

Alexander, Robert. International Trotskyism: A Documented Analysis of the World Movement.

Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.

Becklund, Laurie. “Communist People’s World Traces Its 46 Years: Paper’s Devotees Mix

Causes, Nostalgia.” Los Angeles Times, Jan. 28, 1985.

Rossinow, Doug. The Reagan Era: A History of the 1980s. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016.

1. Laurie Becklund, “Communist People’s World Traces Its 46 Years: Paper’s Devotees Mix Causes, Nostalgia.” Los Angeles Times, Jan. 28, 1985. ↩︎
2. “Carl Bloice,” “P&F takes issue; Jews and the Freeze.” People’s World, Jan. 15, 1983. ↩︎
3. Robert Alexander, International Trotskyism: A Documented Analysis of the World Movement (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991), 920. ↩︎
4. “Genocide U.S.A”. Workers’ Vanguard, Oct. 21, 1988. ↩︎
5. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 912-3. ↩︎
6. Joyce Chediac, “Workfare: an Idea the Rich Always Loved.” Workers World, June 30, 1988; Monica Moorehead, “Jackson Victory Jolts Racist Political Machine: Solid Black Support, Gains Among White Workers, Poor.” Workers World, March 17, 1988.  ↩︎
7. Doug Rossinow, The Reagan Era: A History of the 1980s (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016). ↩︎

Given the impact volunteering at UMBC’s Special Collections had on me over the fall semester, I felt compelled to return in the spring. And so I did, diving back in with a sense of familiarity and an ever-growing curiosity that led me to new and unexpected aspects of archival work. At the heart of this curiosity was the recognition that archival work is a form of care – care for people, their stories, and the spaces that hold them. 

My duties for the Maryland Traditions Archives (MTA) remained largely consistent from the fall. I continued to hone my processing skills, this time pivoting to an Oella Company records box in Collection 348 with materials related to the George Ellicott House Restoration Project. Meticulously sorting through correspondence, fact sheets, and meeting notes deepened my understanding of the persistence and resilience involved in historic preservation, work driven by the dedication to maintaining a building so vital to the region’s history. Archivists in Special Collections embody that same dedication, whose daily efforts reflect care and stewardship for people and their histories. In addition to processing, a few unexpected tasks came up. I helped prepare materials for an archiving class by reviewing folders for sensitive content and supported the lighting setup for a photoshoot with Gef, Special Collections’ resident mascot, both of which reflect the quiet, behind-the-scenes efforts that contribute to the purpose of the archive. 

What I found most meaningful this semester, though, was the opportunity to volunteer at MTA’s “Digitization Day,” an event focused on preserving the histories of Baltimore’s American Indian community. Sitting beside Susan Graham, Special Collections Librarian, in the South Broadway Baptist Church, I interviewed a community member while she scanned their documents. I was honored to learn the history behind the certificates, programs, and pictures the community member brought. Even after the event, as I transcribe the interview, I am struck by the narratives shared—an experience that will stay with me far beyond my time at UMBC.

Volunteering at Special Collections was a way to more deeply engage with my own research – to dig deeper into the methods I used for various projects. Now, it feels like a way to serve broader historical justice. Through processing records, preparing archival materials for instruction, and helping preserve community memory, I’ve come to see archival work as a research tool and a form of care. I am deeply grateful to Maryland Traditions Archivist Mark Breeding and the Special Collections team for their mentorship, trust, and generosity this year. What I have learned and experienced is invaluable.

_{This post was written by graduate student volunteer, Samantha DiNatale, M.A. ’25.}

“This is To Say Your Own Words. And you ought to view and express yourself the way you see it.”

Marshall “Eddie” Conway¹

Over the course of 50 weeks, from October 1979 to September 1980, the “To Say Their Own Word” prison program invited scholars, journalists, social activists, and incarcerated audience members to discuss various topics surrounding the United States’ carceral system and its social consequences. Some of the issues covered throughout the program included U.S. fascism, capitalism, the prison-industrial complex, and government surveillance. The “To Say Their Own Word” prison program collection consists of 29 videos of these presentations at the then Maryland Penitentiary in Baltimore, Maryland.

The program was a collaborative effort between Marshall “Eddie” Conway, Brenda Vogel, and sponsors, including the National Endowment for the Humanities and Correctional Libraries of the Maryland State Department of Education. Conway was himself incarcerated as a political prisoner when he helped organize the educational outreach program. Brenda Vogel was a librarian with the Maryland Department of Education who collaborated with Conway and wrote the grant to fund the project. Eddie Conway’s work as a leader of the Black Panther Party before being incarcerated provided him with the background to organize to improve the lives of himself and his fellow inmates. At the time, the Maryland Penitentiary was known for its brutality and low literacy rate. As Conway got into the prison movement, he worked to make change, including advocating against beatings by guards and creating a library, newsletter, and radio program.

Through the “To Say Their Own Word” program, literacy levels among the incarcerated men at the Maryland Penitentiary increased, with some going to school and graduating from college. In the words of Conway, “We decided to develop a larger university style people’s program in the prison that would help educate prisoners that weren’t necessarily involved in the local politics, but would bring them abreast of what was going on locally, nationally, and internationally.”² For the organizers of the program, the goal was to provide this university-level program to the men at the Maryland Penitentiary and acknowledge the talent, intellect, and ability among the incarcerated men by allowing them a space to speak and share their thoughts.³

The videos in the collection were digitized by The Real News Network (TRNN) from the original Maryland State Department of Education VHS tapes, and are now hosted on the UMBC Special Collections’ Vimeo. In another collaborative effort, much like the original “To Say Their Own Words” program, TRNN, UMBC’s Special Collections department, UMBC’s Public Humanities program, and the Baltimore Field School partnered to develop programming around the collection. Excerpts from the oral history interviews conducted were featured at a free public event on April 26, 2023. Additionally, the Baltimore Field School provided funding to summarize the contents, which is available in each video’s description. Each video begins with the speaker’s presentation on their topic and ends with the incarcerated audience members providing questions, comments, and reflections. A few of the presentations centered around media portrayals of incarcerated people and life in the carceral system. The discussion from January 14th, 1980 featured Eddie Conway and Brenda Vogel along with 4 other panelists to discuss the movie Fugitive from a Chain Gang and the book I Am a Fugitive From A Georgia Chain Gang!. The final presentation of the program centered on Convicts 4 with Constance Goldman, a correspondent for National Public Radio, and the audience reflecting on the movie.

Other panels spoke to national and international concerns such as Askia Muhammad’s talk “Cultural Imprisonment: The Effects of Foreign Policy,” in which the discussion focused on genocidal conflicts in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia as well as the weaponization of United State foreign policy. There were also two panels revolving around women for the final presentations in 1979. The first video features the audience posing questions to Professor Nijole Benokratis on topics such as the power dynamics between gender roles. The second, from December 17th, is another talk centered on media with Alfie Brown speaking on the conceptualization of women through the film I Want to Live and the image of the white American woman incarcerated in the 1950s.

The To Say Their Own Word prison program collection provides an important glimpse into the prison organizing movements of the 1970s, and the importance of having one’s voice heard. Saleem El-Amin, a former participant of the program, remarked that “When people listen and you feel like you’re a part of something, it gave you a chance for change. I think it kind of kept us in touch with our humanity, really.”⁴

The videos in the collection can be accessed through the Vimeo landing page and the Additional Information Descriptions in the collection’s Finding Aid on the UMBC Special Collections website.

This post was written by Annyah St. Louis, ’23, history, M.A. ’25, history, a graduate assistant in Special Collections. Thank you, Annyah!

1. Musa, Mansa. “How Maryland Inmates Organized for University-Level Education in Prison.” The Real News Network, September 8, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-maryland-inmates-organized-for-university-level-education-in-prison. ↩︎
2. Musa, Mansa. “How Maryland Inmates Organized for University-Level Education in Prison.” The Real News Network, September 8, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-maryland-inmates-organized-for-university-level-education-in-prison. ↩︎
3. Musa, Mansa. “How Maryland Inmates Organized for University-Level Education in Prison.” The Real News Network, September 8, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-maryland-inmates-organized-for-university-level-education-in-prison. ↩︎
4. Musa, Mansa. “How a 1970s Prisoner-Organized Literacy Program Changed Maryland’s Penitentiaries.” The Real News Network, April 25, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-a-1970s-prisoner-organized-literacy-program-changed-marylands-penitentiaries. ↩︎

Sources

Conway, Marshall, and Dominique Stevenson. Marshall Law: The Life & Times of a Baltimore Black Panther. Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2011.

Day, Susie, and Ta-Nehisi Coates. The Brother You Choose: Paul Coates and Eddie Conway Talk About Life, Politics, and The Revolution. La Vergne: Haymarket Books, 2020.

Musa, Mansa. “How a 1970s Prisoner-Organized Literacy Program Changed Maryland’s Penitentiaries.” The Real News Network, April 25, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-a-1970s-prisoner-organized-literacy-program-changed-marylands-penitentiaries.

Musa, Mansa. “How Maryland Inmates Organized for University-Level Education in Prison.” The Real News Network, September 8, 2023. https://therealnews.com/how-maryland-inmates-organized-for-university-level-education-in-prison.

When someone asks me to explain my job, my go-to answer is that I work in a book warehouse. Admittedly, it is flawed as explanations go. First, the book part is not strictly accurate. The department’s holdings are far more eclectic than just old books. Photographs, fanzines, old pamphlets, newspapers, and papers from scientific associations are a few examples of the items I work with. Second, the labor involved varies beyond the purely physical. Though much of my job involves moving, storing, and organizing objects, it also requires non-physically intensive duties like data entry, office work, and writing blog posts.

So why do I always start with physical labor when explaining my job? There are two reasons. First, it surprises people. Truthfully, it surprised me too when I started working here. When people think about archives, they do not think of physical labor. Archivists are professionals; people who work with their brains rather than their hands. Yet I worked with my hands just as much—if not more—than I talked to our researchers. Indeed, the customer service aspects of the job directly relate to physical labor. Researchers come to our reading room to read something, something that needs to be found, retrieved, and prepared for public consumption. Second, I enjoy physical labor more than any of my other duties. There is something satisfying about tracking down a single item in a sea of others, filling up a cart with all the items needed for a class, or reorganizing a shelf so that a new edition can fit in its proper location. 

The importance of physical labor in archival work raises essential questions about keeping the job accessible. Since 2010, the profession has strongly pushed to ensure the rights of archivists with disabilities. The Society of American Archivists (hereafter the Society)—the leading professional association for archivists in the United States—published a series of guidelines to make the archives an accessible workplace. The Society recommended reforms to the hiring process, building space, and employee policy to prevent discrimination against people with disabilities. Though these guidelines are certainly a step in the right direction, two significant factors limit the full implementation of these reforms: space and technology.

Regarding space, Special Collections only has limited rooms available to store items. This means that certain storage areas are narrow, particularly in one room. This would likely make it difficult for someone in a wheelchair to navigate. Compounding this is the older nature of the technology we use to retrieve and store items: hand cranks to move certain shelves, slightly rickety step stools to retrieve objects on higher shelves, and push carts to move items across the complex. These tools are hardly the most accessible for archivists with physical disabilities. Given the financial resources of the archive and the university, these are the resources we need to work with. 

As someone with a diagnosed disability, I have some firsthand experiences with the frustrations that sometimes come up on the job. One of the stronger parts of being autistic is never quite knowing where I am in space. The way I like to explain it is that everything I see is tilted at a 25-degree angle. So, everything always seems either closer or further away than it is.  This spatial distortion is problematic when trying to ensure I do not crash a loading cart into the main room door. Likewise, physical writing is difficult for me. Even something as simple as filling out a series of call slips to mark an item’s location can become painful. That said, I have no plans to change my duties at Special Collections. These tasks are essential for the archive’s functioning, and I enjoy them. However, the ability to power through a disability is a privilege not everyone possesses. Thus, UMBC Special Collections must continue to do all it can to ensure that the work remains accessible to every potential archivist, student worker, and volunteer.

This post was written by Yoni Isaacs, ’22, history, M.A. ’26, history, a graduate assistant in Special Collections. Thank you, Yoni!

Take a study break and get creative with a set of hands-on photography workshops in the Library Gallery! 

• Explore historic photographic equipment like stereoviewers and stereographs, zoetropes, and other viewers from the 20th century
• Learn about the photography and recording equipment available for student use from the Library’s Digital Media Lab
• Sit for a vintage-style instant film portrait made with an early 20th century studio camera
• Make your own cyanotype print with artist and instructor Hannah Brancato! 
• Pick up limited edition cyanotype and vintage camera buttons,  and custom 3d printed bookmarks from the Library Innovation Lab!

All this and more in the back of the Library Gallery, part of the annual Relax and Refuel Study Con.